A Noble's Story of Enslavement

The year is 1626, and I write this account of my enslavement from Bahia, Brazil. My story of enslavement is in reality a story of trade--trade that took me from a position of nobility, to an invited guest to Portugal, to a slave trader, and eventually to a person of bondage. I was born in the capital city of the Kingdom of Kongo, Sao Salvador, nearly 40 years ago. My father was a member of the royal court and his father before him an advisor to king Alfonso. We enjoyed relative prosperity in our status, and enslavement was never on my mind. As a child I encountered slavery on a daily basis. The city of Sao Salvador is surrounded by large agricultural plantations, in order to cut down on the transportation costs of agricultural goods from distant rural villages. These plantations use the labor of enslaved men, but it is a type of enslavement that differs from that sought by the Portuguese. It is the Kongo tradition to only enslave foreigners who have been captured in war. Even then these slaves are often allowed to run their self-sufficient households and can assimilate into the villages where they work and live. These foreign-captured slaves would be sold to the Portuguese, and they eventually began to be given as payment replacing other forms of currency.

The use of slaves as commodity led to an increase in the value of the Kongo slave market. Still I felt safe from this changing world of slave trade. I even found profit in it myself. At 18, I was sent to Portugal as a noble emissary and was taught much about Portuguese language and culture. Twelve slaves were sent with me to cover the cost of my visit. When I returned to Kongo, I returned to the Kongo-Portuguese war and the assent of Pedro II to the crown.  My close relations to Portugal brought me distrustful scrutiny, and I was sent from Sao Salvador to the southern countryside to regulate the collection of taxes in this area. This move left me with little room for political and economic growth.  It was here, in this remote location, where I was introduced to the lucrative aspects of the slave trade. I began collaborating with illicit Portuguese traders who worked outside of the legal Kongo slave market. I sold war captives and undesirables in my area into bondage. As the need for slaves grew and Kongo’s expansion and warring decreased, many nobles like myself began to push the line of who could be enslaved. I oversaw the sale of men and women who would’ve formerly been protected as freemen into bondage. While I am not proud of this, it is what I felt was necessary, as the Portuguese traders would have kidnapped people in this area anyways.

In the end, even I could not escape the clutches of the slave trade. The conflict between the Portuguese and Kongo rule maintained and in 1622 the Portuguese governor of Angola, João Correia de Sousa, invaded southern Kongo, claiming that many runaway slaves from the Angola market were hiding in this region. I, along with a few other nobles, and many freemen were captured and taken to the Angolan slave-shipping town of Luanda. My wife, my children, and the life I had made for myself were now only a distant reality. I knew what lay ahead of me. I had seen the process firsthand when I went to Portugal and the slaves who accompanied me were tied below in the cramped bottom deck of the vessel. When I was sent to the south, I had facilitated this process countless times, never going onboard the ship, but knowing very well of its destination. Here I was in a holding center waiting to board a ship which would be stopping in Maderia, at several points along the gold coast to Soyo, and finally to Luanda before taking off across the never-ending sea to Brazil. In a way the slave trade had come full circle--the trader becoming the enslaved. My story is an ironic testament to the destructive nature of the trade, and I am the prime example of how the institute of slavery leaves no one unscathed.

Heywood, Linda M. "Slavery and its transformation in the kingdom of Kongo: 1491–1800." The Journal of African History 50, no. 01 (2009): 1-22.

Nunn, Nathan. The long-term effects of Africa's slave trades. No. w13367. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2007.

Thornton, J.K., 1983. The Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, 1641-1718 (p. 29). Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

The Transatlantic Slave Trade

Slavery in The Kingdom of Kongo 

The slave trade was important for maintaining The Kingdom of Kongo’s relationship with the Portuguese. The king would trade slaves, typically foreigners captured in war, as commodity exports in exchange for European goods but also as a means to maintain diplomatic ties. Towards the beginning of the transatlantic slave trade the kings of The Kingdom of Kongo respected and observed the difference regarding enslavement for foreign-born captives and native born citizens who were protected from bondage. The distinction separating these two groups would become blurred as the slave trade progressed due to internal Kongo political conflicts, which were often influenced by the Portuguese insatiable need for labor.

In the early 16th century King Afonso set up slave trade with Portugal through secure markets where the Portuguese could buy foreign captives as slaves, allowing the king to maintain local customs of the kinds of people who could be enslaved. However the Portuguese traders went outside of these markets, preferring to trade with coastal communities. King Afonso wrote to the king of Portugal decrying this Portuguese practice stating that the Portuguese traders who were acting outside of the proper channels were capturing those who were not considered slaves by Kongo standards, even some noblemen. He complained of coastal vassals scheming with the Portuguese to gain wealth and power that would subsequently upset the centralization of Kongo rule. King Afonso’s successor Diogo I faced similar issues with the Portuguese who had taken to sailing upriver to the Malebo Pool to purchase slaves from BaTeke tradesmen, breaking the Portuguese Kongo contract, which restricted the Portuguese to buying the slaves offered by King Diogo. While slavery became an increasingly large form of foreign exchange, the rulers of Kongo monitored the trade closely, paying particular attention and care to protecting freeborn Kongo citizens.

In 1623 King Pedro II wrote to Philip of Spain that the governor of Angola, João Correia de Sousa, had invaded Kongo and enslaved many nobles and free people who were sent to Brazil. King Philip sent an inquiry to the governor of Brazil, and while most had already been taken to different regions, some of the illegally enslaved were found and returned to Kongo. Through the sixteenth and start of the seventeenth century the vigilance of the Kongo rulers mostly protected free Kongo from entering the slave trade. However, while the freemen were protected the amount of slaves being used as export commodities only rose.

Father Filipe Franco spoke of the Portuguese insatiability for slaves from Kongo “in a place of gold or silver or other things that serve as money in other places, the trade and money are pieces [slaves] which are not gold nor cloth but creatures.’  Similarly acknowledging the moral dilemma of slavery, in 1643 Kongo King Garcia II would write “in our simplicity we gave place to that from which grows all the evils of our country.” The issue with using slaves as the means for all types of payments, as the Kingdom of Kongo had done, was that the demand to use slaves as money was high, and owning slaves became very lucrative. Moving into the seventeenth century, as Kongo stopped expanding its territory and enslaving war criminals, many nobles began pushing the line of who could be enslaved, placing formerly protected freemen into bondage. Freemen became increasingly enslaved and by the height of the transatlantic slave trade it was not just foreign born captives who were being taken from Kongo to the new world.

The Trans-Atlantic Slave Database

The capturing of slaves in Kongo was only one aspect of the transatlantic slave trade. The next step in the commodification of slaves occurred aboard slave ships along the middle passage. Historian John Rediker describes the slave ship as “crucial to the making of modern capitalism” and also as “an instrument of terror.” Upwards of 12 million people were transported across the Atlantic in the slave trade. By using the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database we can look at the quantification of human greed, horror, and fear. In her article “'She must go overboard & shall go overboard': diseased bodies and the spectacle of murder at sea” Sowande’ Mustakeem uses the slave ship experience of an anonymous female slave to explore the psychological and physical realities of the transatlantic slave trade. Using the experience aboard one ship to examine the general makeup and attitudes of slaves and sailors on ships throughout the slave trade is interesting to me. I thought looking into individual ships through the voyage database would be a good point of entrance to the Transatlantic slave database. 

I began with the story I mentioned in the section above in which King Pedro II wrote to King Philip in 1623 claiming that the governor of Angola, João Correia de Sousa, had invaded Kongo and enslaved many nobles and free people who were then sent to Brazil. As tensions rose between the Portuguese and the people of Kongo, so did tensions between Kongo rulers and the governors of the Portuguese colony of Angola located to the south of the Kingdom of Kongo. In 1622 Portuguese governor João Correia de Sousa invaded southern Kongo and into the Kasanze region, which was said to have been used as a refuge for slaves escaping the Portuguese Angolan deportation city of Luanda. Here in this region, the governor captured Kongo people, many freemen and some nobles, and these Kongo people were enslaved and sent to Brazil around 1623.

I was interested in seeing if I could find a ship on the voyage database that fit the criteria of this story. In the database I selected Luanda as the principal place of slave purchase and Brazil as the principal place of slave landing. I also made the time frame from 1622 to 1625. A voyage appeared following this criteria from 1624. This is a year later than King Pedro II's 1623 letter to Spain, but perhaps he was writing that letter as the ship sailed through the Atlantic reaching its principal landing point of Bahia, Brazil in early 1624. Or perhaps this is a completely different voyage. From the database what we can tell is that this ship departed from the slave purchasing city of Luanda and was temporarily detained by the Dutch before reaching Bahia in 1624.

From the database we also know that of the 284 slaves who embarked 245 disembarked. We don’t know what happened to the 39 people who didn’t make it to shore. Maybe like Mustakeem’s anonymous female slave, they died of disease. Maybe they were led to suicide like those in Equiano’s account of his journey. Maybe some were thrown to the sharks as Rediker explains. Maybe this is the ship described by King Pedro II, and once it arrived in Brazil, some of the noblemen and free Kongo people were tracked down and returned home. What we can assume, whether this is the ship from King Pedro II's account or not, is that most of the 245 people who got off of this ship in Brazil did not return home and were forced to reconcile with the reality of their new life and surroundings—forced to endure unimaginable hardships and to create new forms of existence away from their original societies.

Equiano, O., 1798. The interesting narrative of the life of Olaudah Equiano. 

Heywood, Linda M. "Slavery and its transformation in the kingdom of Kongo: 1491–1800." The Journal of African History 50, no. 01 (2009): 1-22.

Mustakeem, Sowande. "“She must go overboard & shall go overboard”: Diseased bodies and the spectacle of murder at sea." Atlantic Studies 8, no. 3 (2011): 301-316.

Rediker, Marcus. "History from below the water line: Sharks and the Atlantic slave trade." Atlantic Studies 5, no. 2 (2008): 285-297.

Thornton, J.K., 1983. The Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, 1641-1718 (p. 29). Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

 "The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database Has Information on Almost 36,000 Slaving Voyages." Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. Accessed March 05, 2016. http://www.slavevoyages.org/. 

Labor and Movement

The movement of people was integral to the inception of the Kingdom of Kongo and its systems of labor. In the early 15th century Kingdom of Kongo founder Lukeni lue Nimi moved the capital of the loose federation of communities under his control to a mountainous area originally ruled by Mabambolo Mabpangalla. It is here where we gain the first reference of slavery in Kongo. Mambabolo Manpagalla was defeated and his descendants were said to have been either driven out or taken as slaves. While a great deal of information is not known about the Kingdom of Kongo's use of slaves before Portuguese arrival, it is fairly accepted that most of the slaves used by the Kingdom were foreign captives, taken in through Kongo's military expansions and civil wars. The majority of people born in Kongo were protected from becoming slaves and facing exportation. This would change as the Portuguese would become more insatiable with their need for labor, and internal political conflicts would lead to the fragmentation of the kingdom's centralization allowing some native born Kongo to be taken as slaves. 

A Kingdom of Town and Country

Historian John K Thornton, describes Kongo as being made of two economic sectors- the royal city of Sao Salvador and the countryside- both sectors dominated by the state. The countryside relied on a village style economy, which was common in much of central Africa. In this style economy, land was communally owned, maintained, and harvested between households that controlled the production and dissemination of goods. While life revolved around labor for nearly all members of Kongo society, exempting the very elite, there was a division of labor between men and women. Men would typically take on the role of clearing forests, producing palm wine and oil, hunting, and participating in the long distance trade of food goods, slats, animal hide, metals, and fabrics. Women would do varied agricultural cultivation, care for domestic animals, and run household work. This form of village economy would produce a social surplus, which would be subjected to a small consuming class of village rulers and also used to support the taxes required by the state. To maintain centralization and their upperclass lifestyle, large sections of the urban elite were sent to live in the countryside for periods of time to regulate the collection of taxes. Kongo villages were mainly self-sufficient, but there was a fairly large local market and trade system, which suggests the presence of specialized labor.

The city of Sao Salvador was surrounded by large agricultural plantations that were worked by slaves. These plantations would support the city's need for food, as bulk transportation of goods from the outer towns and villages was time consuming and difficult. Evidence suggests that the slaves working on these plantations faced a fair amount of autonomy. While they worked on producing foods for the nobility, they were allowed to run their own self-sufficient households and were integrated into the villages. Therefore, the slave masters did not hold complete control over their lives as they did in other plantation labor systems across the Atlantic. While there was a fair amount of economic leeway across the Kingdom of Kongo, both the villages and towns were dominated politically and economically by the representatives of Kongo's ruling class.

The Portuguese, Internal Politics, and Slavery

The movement of the Portuguese into Kongo in the late 15th century brought change to the region's politics, religion, and regulation of labor, although there is debate over how much of that change was due to the Portuguese or to internal Kongo politics. Allowing that the Portuguese did have some amount of influence on the Kongo people and political system, and that this relationship was not one-sided for the rulers of Kongo, we can view changes in the Kingdom of Kongo as a mixture of external and internal actions and reactions. Very early on in the Portuguese-Kongo relationship there is an example of the effects of the shifting of people. In the 1470s, Portuguese sailors had claimed the island of Sao Tomé off the western coast of Africa. In Sao Tomé they created large sugar fields, which required large amounts of labor. After establishing relations with Kongo, the Portuguese looked to the kingdom to provide labor for Sao Tomé and other Portuguese territories. King Afonso, traded slaves as commodity exports to the Portuguese, but took issue with Portuguese traders going outside of the established system and capturing those who were not deemed as slaves in Kongo. He writes to Portugal about the effect of the displacement of people on the Kongo population and the Portuguese circumventing of the trade system's effect on the internal political structure of Kongo society. For example, Portuguese traders began forgoing the long journey to the capital to retrieve slaves and began trading in the coastal town of Soyo. Officials in this province, which was intentionally kept relatively impoverished in order to suppress political power, became wealthy from this trade and an alternative localized economy was developed weakening the central authority. In next week's post I will expand upon the conflicts that followed the movement of people through the lens of the TransAtlantic Slave Trade.

Birmingham, David. 1965. “SPECULATIONS ON THE KINGDOM OF KONGO”. Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana 8. Historical Society of Ghana: 1–10. 

Heywood, Linda M.. 2009. “Slavery and Its Transformation in the Kingdom of Kongo: 1491-1800”. The Journal of African History 50 (1). Cambridge University Press: 1–22.

Thornton, John. 1977. “Demography and History in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1550-1750”. The Journal of African History 18 (4). Cambridge University Press: 507–30. http://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/180830.

Thornton, John K.. 1982. “The Kingdom of Kongo, Ca. 1390-1678. The Development of an African Social Formation (le Royaume Du Kongo, Ca. 1390-1678. Développement D'une Formation Sociale Africaine)”. Cahiers D'études Africaines 22 (87/88). EHESS: 325–42. http://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/4391812.

Christianity in the Kingdom of Kongo

    

      Profit or Piety? Or Both

      

      The initial contact between the Portuguese and the people of Kongo resulted in a somewhat mutually beneficial relationship, between the two groups. In general, the relationships between western and central African peoples and European explorers during the late 15^th century through the 16^th century were relatively peaceful. There was a commercial tie that kept both groups friendly towards each other. Some scholars have described this trade relationship as exploitative, stating that the Europeans had forced African groups into a colonial trade that resulted in the Africans giving up valuable resources in the forms of slaves and raw materials, for less valuable European manufactured goods they would soon become dependent on. Africanist J.K Thornton suggests that African manufacturing was more equipped at dealing with the competition of manufactured materials coming in from preindustrial Europe. Thornton argues that the Atlantic trade was not as essential to the African economy as scholars had once believed. In the case of the Portuguese and the Kingdom of Kongo, Portugal’s initial interest in the Kingdom of Kongo was not to dominate the people administratively or economically, but to form a simple trade connection and to continue the crown’s mission of spreading spread Christianity .

   

The conversion of the Kingdom of Kongo to Christianity is unique to the history of forced conversion by Europeans across the Atlantic. While many indigenous nations and communities around the Atlantic world were brought to Christian conversions by violent means, the arrival of Christianity in the Kingdom of Kongo was lead in part by Kongolese leadership. In the case of Kongo, piety and profit came hand in hand. When Portuguese explorer Diogo Cão sailed up the Congo River in 1483 he left some of his men in the Kingdom of Kongo capital Mbanza Kongo and in turn took 5 Kongo nobles with him in his 1485 return to Portugal. These nobles were treated as such in Portugal and received education in the Portuguese language, cultural customs, and the Catholic religion. When they returned to Kongo they described the friendship they had received in Portugal and brought with them expensive gifts for the king, Nzinga a Nkuwuw. Nzinga sent another small group of nobles back to Portugal for training and requested Portuguese architects and missionaries be sent to Kongo. In 1491 Diogo Cão returned with a group of Portuguese soldiers, Kongo men trained in Portuguese masonry, and Roman Catholic priests. Under his free will, Nzinga asked to baptized. His nobles were also baptized. King Nzinga adopted the name João I after the Portuguese ruling King João II. Towards the end of his reign João I turned away from Christianity returning to his native beliefs, but his son Afonso Mvemba a Nzinga would remain a Christian. After the death of João I around 1506, Afonso would become the new king. King Afonso extended Christianity from the court to the people and established Christianity as Kongo’s state religion. Along with Portuguese advisors, Afonso created a syncretic version of Christianity that combined Roman Catholic doctrine with traditional Kongo cosmology. The use of Kongo cosmology regarding religious terms (God= Nzambi Mpungu, holy= nkisis, and sprit= moyo) allowed for a smooth adaption of Christian ideology into Kongo thought. The syncretic nature of Kongo Christianity did not portray Christianity as a foreign religion but as a supplement to traditional spirituality. Opposed to many parts of the Atlantic world, Christianity in Kongo was viewed as inclusive instead of exclusive, because of this there was little tension between the Christian Kongo peoples and the Catholic Church. Catholic priests who arrived in  Kongo felt that the people knew the one true God but had not been exposed to Jesus Christ.

Capuchin Missionary Celebrating Mass, Sogno, Kingdom of Kongo, 1740s Paola Collo and Silvia Benso ,Sogno Bamba, Pemba, Ovando

Christianity in Kongo was not purely a form of European enforced colonization. Since Kongo conversion to Christianity was not forced but an act of freewill, the formation of the Christian Church in Kongo was equally as Kongolese as it was European.  It has been argued that the Kongo Kingdom’s Court conversion to Christianity was a façade to maintain trade relations with the Portuguese. In this sense, the trade agreements between the Portuguese and the Kongolese fostered the growth of Christianity in the kingdom. Whether it began as a façade or as genuine spiritual interest, this form of Christianity would exist until the Kingdom’s dismantling at the end of the 19^th century. Trade was the true connector between the Portuguese and the people of Kongo, but a shared religion reinforced this bond.  Tensions would arise between the Kongo and Portuguese but religion would not be the main cause. A main instigator of tension would be repercussions from the Trans Atlantic slave trade, which I will discuss, in a future post.


Bongmba, Elias Kifon, ed. Routledge Companion to Christianity in Africa. Routledge, 2015.

Lewis, Thomas. 1908. “The Old Kingdom of Kongo”. The Geographical Journal 31 (6). [Wiley, Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers)]: 589–611. doi:10.2307/1777621.

Thornton, John. Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800. Cambridge University Press, 1998.

Thornton, John. "Demography and history in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1550–1750." The Journal of African History 18, no. 04 (1977): 507-530.

Thornton, John. 1984. “The Development of an African Catholic Church in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1491-1750”. The Journal of African History 25 (2). Cambridge University Press: 147–67. http://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/181386.