tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-42533793948493786962024-02-19T04:24:18.552-08:00Kingdom of Kongo and The Atlantic WorldAnonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17274197006328770255noreply@blogger.comBlogger7125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4253379394849378696.post-69635197044724396032016-04-24T14:59:00.000-07:002016-04-24T15:10:34.527-07:00Kongo and the Haitian Revolution <h3>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">African Roots</span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">The Haitian
Revolution was a complex slave led movement that resulted in the abolishment of
slavery on the French colonial island of Saint Domingue as well as independence for the mostly black population,
completely turning Atlantic society on its head. The question of how a slave
army outmaneuvered the French empire has fascinated many scholars. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Historians
Carolyn Fick and John Thornton have argued that one should take a less
euro-centric view point when trying to understand the Haitian Revolution. They
have made the case that the Haitian revolution had African roots, particularly
Kongolese roots, and by studying the ideology of the kingdom of Kongo during
the 18<sup>th</sup> century, it is possible to learn more about the mass
movement that took place in Haiti. At the time of the
Haitian revolution, nearly two thirds of all slaves on the island of Saint
Domingue were born in Africa. It was in Africa where they gained their
socialization, and in many ways, this African heritage influenced the Haitian
Revolution. Kongo played a key role in the revolution because prior to the
revolution in Haiti there was a large-scale civil war in Kongo. Thousands of
these Kongolese war captive were traded, enslaved, and brought to Haiti. In fact, slaves
purchased from the region surrounding the Kingdom of Kongo made up the majority
of slaves brought to Haiti for two decades before the revolution.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<h3>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Voodoo and Kings</span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Enslaved Africans brought cultural traditions with them across the middle
passage and often times created updated meanings for these practices in their
new Atlantic lives. On the island of Saint Domingue, religion and politics, both
influenced by West African and Kongolese ideology, played a large part in the
revolution. </span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Christianity was brought to the Kingdom of Kongo in 1491 when king Nzinga a Nkuwu and his nobles adopted the
religion. Nzinga’s son King Afonso I created a syncretic version of the Roman
Catholic Church during his rule combining preexisting local beliefs with Catholic theology. Christianity was spread throughout the region,
thus by the 18<sup>th</sup> century most of the Kongolese slaves who were
brought to Haiti were exposed to Christianity, if they were not Christian
themselves. </span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Voodoo was a religion practiced by many slaves in Saint Domingue.
Voodoo in Haiti, much like Christianity in Africa, was a blend of African
Gods paired with Christian saints. It makes sense that slaves from Kongo, would
influence and participate in voodoo ceremonies, which allowed them to maintain
their old Cosmology and understanding of the world along with
aspects of Christianity that were already familiar. One can look to the
voodoo ceremony that took place in Bois- Caiman to understand the importance of
voodoo to the revolution. Boukman Dutty an African Voodoo priest led a meeting
that set in motion the slave uprisings in the north. While not Kongolese
himself, Boukman was referrerd to by the Kongolese nickname Zamba, (most likely
the term Kikongo word for <i>nzamba</i> or elephant in reference to his large
structure) and many of his followers were indeed Kongolese. From this voodoo
meeting, which was both both spiritual and strategic in nature, slaves attacked northern sugar
plantations- burning fields, destroying machinery, and killing whites.</span></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiO-St7oSyRTRH7DbPf3191auHAJEWFUlNCwYKqvZDhBEi78g2bFUSELolWMLGbtPUMB2y6cTlB4_joG_4i5sWeGAHNZtW2CVKbEYtOzcVGVRXPRsfm0wGTW12klMxCkH4xwtXKgKE2xow/s1600/haiti.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><img border="0" height="265" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiO-St7oSyRTRH7DbPf3191auHAJEWFUlNCwYKqvZDhBEi78g2bFUSELolWMLGbtPUMB2y6cTlB4_joG_4i5sWeGAHNZtW2CVKbEYtOzcVGVRXPRsfm0wGTW12klMxCkH4xwtXKgKE2xow/s400/haiti.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.25px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"> Artist: Ulrick Jean-Pierre </span><a href="http://diasporicroots.tumblr.com/post/64589059155/dreaminginspanish-artdream-haiti-ulirk" style="color: #0071bb; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.25px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;" target="_blank"><i style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Cayman Wood Ceremony</i></a></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Kongolese political ideology also influenced the alliances slaves chose
to make in the Haitian revolution. In his article <i>“I Am the Subject of the King
of Congo” African Political Ideology and the Haitian Revolution </i>John Thornton
describes both the early involvement of the Kongolese in the revolution and Kongolese political ideology through a quote from Macaya, a Konogolese
leader at the start of the revolution. In response to commissioner Etienne
Polverel’s request to return to the French Republic, Macaya said, “I am the
subject of three kings: of the King of Kongo, master of all blacks; of the King
of France who represents my father; of the King of Spain who represents my
mother.” This quote is telling of the 18<sup>th</sup> century Kongolese
political climate which was heavily influenced by the civil war. Thornton
discusses that during the civil war, which many of the enslaved Konoglese in
Haiti fought in, there were two questions to be asked- who was the king and what
were his powers. These questions and thoughts on the ideological role of the
king were brought to Haiti as well. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Many Haitian slaves viewed the monarchy, in
both Spanish and French forms, as a means to abolish slavery and limit the
power of the Republic which was perpetuating the slave-plantation system. Even
within their own slave communities many Haitian slaves who had come from Africa
elected their own kings and queens. For Kongolese, whom amongst themselves debated
over the role of the kings, kingship was not tyrannical as the French viewed it
but a means of order and centralization. From this we can gain another level of
understanding about the slaves’, particularly the African born slaves’,
resistance to work alongside the Republic. Creole slaves who had been born in
Haiti did not necessarily share the same political ideologies as Kongolese born
slaves, but they needed to work with them in order to fight against the French,
as many of the Kongolese slaves who had been civil war captives had desirable
military experience. The blending of the Creole slaves’ new world mentalities along with African slaves political ideologies created a complex group that had
different goals and methods of achieving those goals. Despite their differences
their unification ultimately led to the abolishment of slavery and to
independence from colonial rule. We can view this revolution as both an
extension of African beliefs and ideologies as well as a response to New World
realities. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></h4>
<h3>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Lasting Legacy</span></h3>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif;">I've described some of the affects the Kingdom of Kongo had on the
Haitian Revolution, but to look at the affects the Haitian Revolution had on the
Kingdom of Kongo I went to the Trans Atlantic Slave Database. The Haitian
Revolution brought the end of slavery in the territory in the region. I wanted
to see the decline in slaves brought from the Kingdom of Kongo to Haiti.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEicYn_SGt2Ja0MqxzeGN3lA6GmvGRsVo5dNmntnnU_z-nfegfHksxV4P6EV-6ri8FWAhEqio7vyTHds1CC9eBwYHX6CtNrt0X-pJhFLMBLyYg9zIjfN3jjfwHkDr_gLgR82fF47RWEyoG4/s1600/Screenshot+2016-04-24+16.07.01.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><img border="0" height="273" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEicYn_SGt2Ja0MqxzeGN3lA6GmvGRsVo5dNmntnnU_z-nfegfHksxV4P6EV-6ri8FWAhEqio7vyTHds1CC9eBwYHX6CtNrt0X-pJhFLMBLyYg9zIjfN3jjfwHkDr_gLgR82fF47RWEyoG4/s640/Screenshot+2016-04-24+16.07.01.png" width="640" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">From
this graph we can see the large amount of Kongolese slaves coming to Haiti in
the 18</span><sup style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">th</sup><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"> century and then the harsh drop off during the revolution.
While Kongolese slaves were no longer brought to Haiti after the revolution, a
Kongolese legacy is still maintained in Haiti today through religious
practices, language, and historic figures like Macaya and Boukman who is still
referred to as his Kongolese nickname, Zamba. As many Haitian slaves and gens de couleur looked to France to truly extend the Rights of Man to cover all men, the revolution itself, that led to the the first independent black nation in colonial America, had very deep African roots and was in part led by Kongolese slaves who were less concerned with the French ideals of liberté et égalité and more so concerned with just kings who ruled with authority and ruled for the people. </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">Apter, Andrew. 2002. “On African Origins: Creolization and Connaissance in Haitian Vodou”. </span><i style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; font-family: arial, helvetica, clean, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">American Ethnologist</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;"> 29 (2). [Wiley, American Anthropological Association]: 233–60. http://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3095167.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Carolyn E. Fick. "The Making of Haiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. 1990. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">Thornton, John K.. 1993. “"I Am the Subject of the King of Congo": African Political Ideology and the Haitian Revolution”. </span><i style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; font-family: arial, helvetica, clean, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">Journal of World History</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;"> 4 (2). University of Hawai'i Press: 181–214. http://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/20078560.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">Thornton, John K.. 1988. “On the Trail of Voodoo: African Christianity in Africa and the Americas”. </span><i style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; font-family: arial, helvetica, clean, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">The Americas</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;"> 44 (3). Cambridge University Press: 261–78. doi:10.2307/1006906.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"> "Voyages Database." Voyages Database. http://www.slavevoyages.org/voyage/. </span></div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17274197006328770255noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4253379394849378696.post-83019235719633187732016-04-17T14:35:00.000-07:002016-04-17T14:38:53.390-07:00Something Old, Something New- Spirituality in Kongo<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<h4>
Cosmology of Kongo </h4>
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From its inception, Christianity in Kongo was formed on Kongolese theology, a theology that dates much further back than the Portuguese arrival to the region in the late 15th century. While not much is known about the Kingdom of Kongo before this date, through the syncretic nature of Kongolese Christianity, scholars have concluded that Kongolese cosmology stressed the importance of ancestors and a high god, often referred to as Nzambi a Mpungu. It was Nzambi a Mpungu who existed outside of the living world and created it, and <i>bakulu</i>, or ancestors, who had once been living in the world but now inhabited this other dimension. Kongolese theology also included powerful guardians called <i>simbi</i> who protected certain areas such as rivers, springs, and mountains. These guardians were considered to be the souls of long departed inhabitants or sometimes the original inhabitants. There were also beings that could inhabit<i> nksi </i>or a type of charm. This belief in the power of a <i>nksi</i> would travel across the Atlantic to the Americas through the slave trade. In Kongolese cosmology ancestors, <i>nkisi</i>, or <i>simbi</i> were not inherently good or evil. The nature of supernatural forces depended on the intentions of the person calling them into use.<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCcx7QWzMafKL1wz4x_gCX2k0VpqVbi-xQmrfn8PQbuFu9pJQ0uTJHdC8eYeQ8l29iEK8Tm-sApjbks0VnjpGVoL4WX7x3EH1hCJZqsVXHiUEeKnBBYuXPYFFGf4XGZsz_Jehg4BKKZM4/s1600/kongo+cross.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="295" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCcx7QWzMafKL1wz4x_gCX2k0VpqVbi-xQmrfn8PQbuFu9pJQ0uTJHdC8eYeQ8l29iEK8Tm-sApjbks0VnjpGVoL4WX7x3EH1hCJZqsVXHiUEeKnBBYuXPYFFGf4XGZsz_Jehg4BKKZM4/s320/kongo+cross.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "times" , serif; text-align: start;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Dikenga dia Kongo, a Kongolese Cross that symbolizes the cyclical nature of the natural world and the spiritual journey</span></span></div>
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<b style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; text-align: start; text-indent: 32px;"><i><span style="font-size: x-small;">Crossroads and Cosmologies: Diasporas and Ethnogenesis in the New World</span></i></b></div>
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<b style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; text-align: start; text-indent: 32px;"><i><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></i></b></div>
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<h4>
Kongolese Christianity</h4>
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When Roman Catholicism arrived in the Kingdom of Kongo with Portuguese explorer Diogo Cão in 1483, Christianity was brought into traditional Kongolese Cosmology. Shortly after the Portuguese 1483 arrival there was an exchange in Portuguese-Kongo hostages, and the ruling Kongo king Nzinga a Nkuwu granted missionaries to come into the Kingdom. The missionaries arrived in 1491, first converting the provincial ruler of the coastal province of Soyo, and then heading inward. Nzinga soon willingly converted to Christianity and was baptized that year. After his baptism he took the name João I in tribute to the Portuguese king João II. Nzinga advised his court, other noble officials, and peasants to follow suit with this conversion. Nzinga’s son Afonso Mvemba a Nzinga was stationed at the provincial post of Nsundi. Many missionaries accompanied him there, and unlike his father, who reverted to his previous beliefs before his death, Afonso became deeply embedded with the faith.<br />
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After Nzinga’s death in 1508, Afonso and his half brother Mpanzu a Kitma challenged each other for the throne. Afonso was able to overcome his brother in battle and gave credit to the appearance of Saint James the Great. Afonso went to great lengths to establish a Catholic church in Kongo. This process is described in his letters to Portugal. Afonso described his position and laws he put in place against the worship of idols. Afonso made the church legitimate and sustainable by training the kingdom’s schools in religious instructions and providing the church funding through royal assets and taxation. Afonso created a syncretic version of Christianity that would appeal to the people of Kongo. He worked with several Portuguese priests, particularly Rui d’Aguiar who stated that Afonso knew more of the Church’s tenants than he did. Afonso also collaborated with Kongolese who were educated in Europe, including his son Henrique who was named a bishop by the Roman Catholic church in 1518.<br />
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Years later, Afonso’s grandson, King Diogo I Nkumbi a Mpudi, created a Konoglese lay organization to account for the lack of foreign ordained clergy in Kongo. Diogo I helped spread the church to rural areas of the kingdom and also arranged missionary activity in the kingdom’s northern territory. Along with the Kongolese lay organization, early missionaries of the Jesuit Order also worked in the kingdom during Diogo’s reign. Diogo I became increasingly disillusioned with the Jesuit presence as they demanded more and more acknowledgement and often proceeded directly in matters that defied the king’s interest. The church during Diogo’s rule grew strong and the Portuguese began to make attempts to gain control of it. The Portuguese sought to have the Pope place the Kongo church under the bishop of Sao Tomé. In 1540, the bishop of Sao Tomé attempted to exercise his control, but Diogo I refused to renounce his personal confessor, Manuel Afonso, as the bishop requested. The Portuguese made another attempt to secure power of the church in the late 16th century, and then finally attempted to destroy the church by moving the bishop to Luanda in the rival Portuguese colony of Angola and ceased to ordain any new clergy in Kongo.<br />
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In light of Portugal’s abandonment of the Kongolese church, like Diogo I before them, Kongolese kings maintained a solid laity. The limited ordained clergy would perform sacraments and the lay organization maintained education. These lay members of the church were called <i>mestre </i>and were salaried workers typically pulled from the nobility and paid by the state who taught literacy and religious education. The Jesuits would eventually return in the early 17th century and would be followed by Italian Capuchins who were sent as a compromise when the Konoglese church requested to the pope that they be split from the Portuguese church for good. The Kongolese Christianity that began in 1491 under king Nzinga lasted in the kingdom for over 200 years.<br />
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<h4>
An African Religion- Syncretism </h4>
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As opposed to other areas of the Atlantic world where European Christianity was brought to native populations through oppression and violence, Christianity came to the Kingdom of Kongo relatively peacefully. This is because the Kongo Christianity was an expansion of traditional Kongolese theology. It was viewed as a constructive force rather than a destructive one, as many parts of Kongolese cosmology were accepted and used in this form of Christianity. The Christian doctrine was translated into Kikongo, the local language, as Portuguese missionaries wrote Kikongo dictionaries and translated religious texts with the help of the local literate class of priests formed under the rule of Afonso I. The church established under Afonso was not a reproduction of the Portuguese church but an embrace of Kongo ideology. Many Kongo believed in ancestors who lived in another world, thus the Holy Trinity was described as “three people”. The word <i>ukisi </i>a noun from the same root as the word <i>nkisi </i>(which was meant to describe a sacred charm or idol) was used as the word for holy. Key religious terms were taken from Kikongo words such as the same name for previous priests- <i>nganga</i> and the word for God- Nzambu Mpungu. This care in the creation of the theology developed by Afonso and his advisors, both Kongolese nobles and Portuguese priests, created a Christianity that seemed more native than foreign. This syncretic version of Christianity can be observed in religious Kongo art.<br />
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Crucifix, The Metropolitan Museum of Art</div>
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This carving from the 16th or 17th century, depicts a Kongo icon called the Four Moments of the Sun, which is circled around a roman cross (the cross itself an important motif in Kongo culture). The icon represents the four divisions of day, representing the journey of human life from birth the ancestral afterlife. While this icon is of Kongo cosmology, Christ is portrayed in a European manner representative of European models of the time.<br />
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<h4>
Substance or Superficiality </h4>
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There is much scholarly debate over how authentic Kongolese conversion to Christianity was. Many have argued that the conversion was superficial and rejected by the majority of the population. They have cited Nzinga's return to his old faith after his initial conversion, as proof that it was not a genuine conversion, but one done for political gain. While it is true that Kongo’s Christian status helped cement political and economic ties between the Portuguese and the people of Kongo, it does not disprove the sincerity of the kingdom’s adoption of Christianity that lasted 200 years. The end of the Kingdom of Kongo’s Christianity came in the 19th century when European priests arrived in Kongo during Portugal’s colonial occupation. It is here where they rejected the local form of Christianity. J.K. Thorton discusses that the disappearance of Christianity in Kongo in the nineteenth century was due the changing definition of Christianity among European clergy, including Rome. Thorthon cites the 200 plus years that the Catholic church acknowledged Kongo’s syncretic Christianity as Orthodox. In doing so Thorton speaks to the scholars of the 1960s and 70s like David Birmingham who viewed Kongo Christianity as a façade. It is clear to me that 200 years of religious practice is much more than a superficial, political ploy. Perhaps Nzinga converted to Christianity in 1491 under some other pretext, but the implications of this conversion were very real, not only in the Kongo but also in the new world as Kongolese Christianity played a role in both the Afro-Brazilian Quimbana religion as well as the formation of Voodoo in Haiti.<br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Birmingham, David. "Central Africa from Cameroun to the Zambezi." </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">The Cambridge History of Africa</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"> 3 (1975): 519-20.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "helvetica neue" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><i style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 21px; text-indent: -49px;">Crucifix</i><span style="background-color: white; line-height: 21px; text-indent: -49px;">. 16th-17th Century. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Democratic Republic of the Congo; Angola; Republic of the Congo.</span><i style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; line-height: 21px; text-indent: -49px;">Metmuseum</i><span style="background-color: white; line-height: 21px; text-indent: -49px;">. Web. <http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/acko/hd_acko.htm>.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "helvetica neue" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="background-color: white; line-height: 21px; text-indent: -49px;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-family: "helvetica neue" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.12px;">Fennell, Christopher C., and Kevin M. Bartoy. "Crossroads and Cosmologies: Diasporas and Ethnogenesis in the New World." </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.12px;">African Diaspora Archaeology Newsletter</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.12px;"> 11, no. 4 (2008): 33.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "helvetica neue" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.12px;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-family: "helvetica neue" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.12px;">Heywood, Linda M. </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.12px;">Central Africans and cultural transformations in the American diaspora</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.12px;">. Cambridge University Press, 2002.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.12px;"><span style="font-family: "helvetica neue" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">MacGaffey, Wyatt. "Religion and society in central Africa: the BaKongo of lower Zaire." (1986).</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "helvetica neue" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.003px;">Thornton, John. 1977. “Demography and History in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1550-1750”. </span><i style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; line-height: 16.003px;">The Journal of African History</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.003px;"> 18 (4). Cambridge University Press: 507–30. </span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "helvetica neue" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.12px;"><br class="Apple-interchange-newline" />Thornton, John K. "Religious and ceremonial life in the Kongo and Mbundu areas, 1500-1700." </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.12px;">Central Africans and cultural transformations in the American diaspora</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.12px;"> (2002): 71-90.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "helvetica neue" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.003px;">Thornton, John. 1984. “The Development of an African Catholic Church in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1491-1750”. </span><i style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; line-height: 16.003px;">The Journal of African History</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 16.003px;"> 25 (2). Cambridge University Press: 147–67. </span></span></div>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17274197006328770255noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4253379394849378696.post-25552753054252538162016-03-27T14:25:00.002-07:002016-03-27T14:26:16.239-07:00A Noble's Story of Enslavement <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheO4SUazWGLSATAnLREME8HeccTx65TVcOL5FlTM9bV7dkxtZ_Pkt0vzixMslNsLXqrUpJsxdk-CIQenCKIzphTeqyVJeVlTl1MadpzjY6VkWSwcSRcUDY7-qCNncizwDcXYxokgqZ094/s1600/kongo+sculpture.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="170" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheO4SUazWGLSATAnLREME8HeccTx65TVcOL5FlTM9bV7dkxtZ_Pkt0vzixMslNsLXqrUpJsxdk-CIQenCKIzphTeqyVJeVlTl1MadpzjY6VkWSwcSRcUDY7-qCNncizwDcXYxokgqZ094/s400/kongo+sculpture.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond"; font-size: 16pt;">The
year is 1626, and I write this account of my enslavement from Bahia, Brazil. My
story of enslavement is in reality a story of trade--trade that took me from a
position of nobility, to an invited guest to Portugal, to a slave trader, and eventually to a person of bondage. I was born in the capital city of the Kingdom
of Kongo, Sao Salvador, nearly 40 years ago. My father was a member of the
royal court and his father before him an advisor to king Alfonso. We enjoyed
relative prosperity in our status, and enslavement was never on my mind. As a
child I encountered slavery on a daily basis. The city of Sao Salvador is
surrounded by large agricultural plantations, in order to cut down on the
transportation costs of agricultural goods from distant rural villages. These
plantations use the labor of enslaved men, but it is a type of enslavement that
differs from that sought by the Portuguese. It is the Kongo tradition to only
enslave foreigners who have been captured in war. Even then these slaves are
often allowed to run their self-sufficient households and can assimilate into
the villages where they work and live. These foreign-captured slaves would be
sold to the Portuguese, and they eventually began to be given as payment
replacing other forms of currency. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond"; font-size: 16.0pt;">The
use of slaves as commodity led to an increase in the value of the Kongo slave
market. Still I felt safe from this changing world of slave trade. I even found
profit in it myself. At 18, I was sent to Portugal as a noble emissary and was
taught much about Portuguese language and culture. Twelve slaves were sent with
me to cover the cost of my visit. When I returned to Kongo, I returned to the Kongo-Portuguese
war and the assent of Pedro II to the crown.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>My close relations to Portugal brought me
distrustful scrutiny, and I was sent from Sao Salvador to the southern countryside to
regulate the collection of taxes in this area. This move left me with little
room for political and economic growth. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was here, in this remote location, where I
was introduced to the lucrative aspects of the slave trade. I began collaborating
with illicit Portuguese traders who worked outside of the legal Kongo slave
market. I sold war captives and undesirables in my area into bondage. As the
need for slaves grew and Kongo’s expansion and warring decreased, many nobles
like myself began to push the line of who could be enslaved. I oversaw the sale
of men and women who would’ve formerly been protected as freemen into bondage.
While I am not proud of this, it is what I felt was necessary, as the
Portuguese traders would have kidnapped people in this area anyways.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "garamond"; font-size: 16pt;">In
the end, even I could not escape the clutches of the slave trade. The conflict
between the Portuguese and Kongo rule maintained and in 1622 the Portuguese
governor of Angola, João Correia de Sousa, invaded southern Kongo, claiming that
many runaway slaves from the Angola market were hiding in this region. I, along
with a few other nobles, and many freemen were captured and taken to the Angolan
slave-shipping town of Luanda. My wife, my children, and the life I had made
for myself were now only a distant reality. I knew what lay ahead of me. I had
seen the process firsthand when I went to Portugal and the slaves who
accompanied me were tied below in the cramped bottom deck of the vessel. When I
was sent to the south, I had facilitated this process countless times, never
going onboard the ship, but knowing very well of its destination. Here I was
in a holding center waiting to board a ship which would be stopping in Maderia,
at several points along the gold coast to Soyo, and finally to Luanda before
taking off across the never-ending sea to Brazil. In a way the slave trade had
come full circle--the trader becoming the enslaved. My story is an ironic
testament to the destructive nature of the trade, and I am the prime example of
how the institute of slavery leaves no one unscathed. </span><span style="font-family: "times"; font-size: 10.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "garamond"; font-size: 16pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Heywood, Linda M. "Slavery and its transformation in the kingdom of Kongo: 1491–1800." </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">The Journal of African History</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"> 50, no. 01 (2009): 1-22</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"><br /></span>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; line-height: 16.12px;">Nunn, Nathan. </span><i style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; line-height: 16.12px;">The long-term effects of Africa's slave trades</i><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; line-height: 16.12px;">. No. w13367. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2007.</span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"><br /></span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Thornton, J.K., 1983. </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">The Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, 1641-1718</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"> (p. 29). Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.</span></div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17274197006328770255noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4253379394849378696.post-32797730184039309232016-03-05T19:14:00.003-08:002016-03-05T21:27:59.012-08:00The Transatlantic Slave Trade <h3>
Slavery in The Kingdom of Kongo </h3>
<br />
<br />
The slave trade was important for maintaining The Kingdom of Kongo’s relationship with the Portuguese. The king would trade slaves, typically foreigners captured in war, as commodity exports in exchange for European goods but also as a means to maintain diplomatic ties. Towards the beginning of the transatlantic slave trade the kings of The Kingdom of Kongo respected and observed the difference regarding enslavement for foreign-born captives and native born citizens who were protected from bondage. The distinction separating these two groups would become blurred as the slave trade progressed due to internal Kongo political conflicts, which were often influenced by the Portuguese insatiable need for labor.<br />
<br />
In the early 16th century King Afonso set up slave trade with Portugal through secure markets where the Portuguese could buy foreign captives as slaves, allowing the king to maintain local customs of the kinds of people who could be enslaved. However the Portuguese traders went outside of these markets, preferring to trade with coastal communities. King Afonso wrote to the king of Portugal decrying this Portuguese practice stating that the Portuguese traders who were acting outside of the proper channels were capturing those who were not considered slaves by Kongo standards, even some noblemen. He complained of coastal vassals scheming with the Portuguese to gain wealth and power that would subsequently upset the centralization of Kongo rule. King Afonso’s successor Diogo I faced similar issues with the Portuguese who had taken to sailing upriver to the Malebo Pool to purchase slaves from BaTeke tradesmen, breaking the Portuguese Kongo contract, which restricted the Portuguese to buying the slaves offered by King Diogo. While slavery became an increasingly large form of foreign exchange, the rulers of Kongo monitored the trade closely, paying particular attention and care to protecting freeborn Kongo citizens.<br />
<br />
In 1623 King Pedro II wrote to Philip of Spain that the governor of Angola, João Correia de Sousa, had invaded Kongo and enslaved many nobles and free people who were sent to Brazil. King Philip sent an inquiry to the governor of Brazil, and while most had already been taken to different regions, some of the illegally enslaved were found and returned to Kongo. Through the sixteenth and start of the seventeenth century the vigilance of the Kongo rulers mostly protected free Kongo from entering the slave trade. However, while the freemen were protected the amount of slaves being used as export commodities only rose.<br />
<br />
Father Filipe Franco spoke of the Portuguese insatiability for slaves from Kongo “in a place of gold or silver or other things that serve as money in other places, the trade and money are pieces [slaves] which are not gold nor cloth but creatures.’ Similarly acknowledging the moral dilemma of slavery, in 1643 Kongo King Garcia II would write “in our simplicity we gave place to that from which grows all the evils of our country.” The issue with using slaves as the means for all types of payments, as the Kingdom of Kongo had done, was that the demand to use slaves as money was high, and owning slaves became very lucrative. Moving into the seventeenth century, as Kongo stopped expanding its territory and enslaving war criminals, many nobles began pushing the line of who could be enslaved, placing formerly protected freemen into bondage. Freemen became increasingly enslaved and by the height of the transatlantic slave trade it was not just foreign born captives who were being taken from Kongo to the new world.<br />
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<h3>
The Trans-Atlantic Slave Database</h3>
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The capturing of
slaves in Kongo was only one aspect of the transatlantic slave trade. The next
step in the commodification of slaves occurred aboard slave ships along the
middle passage. Historian John Rediker describes the slave ship as “crucial to
the making of modern capitalism” and also as “an instrument of terror.” Upwards
of 12 million people were transported across the Atlantic in the slave trade. By
using the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database we can look at the quantification
of human greed, horror, and fear. In her article “'She must go overboard &
shall go overboard': diseased bodies and the spectacle of murder at sea”
Sowande’ Mustakeem uses the slave ship experience of an anonymous female slave
to explore the psychological and physical realities of the transatlantic slave
trade. Using the experience aboard one ship to examine the general makeup and
attitudes of slaves and sailors on ships throughout the slave trade is interesting
to me. I thought looking into individual ships through the voyage database would
be a good point of entrance to the Transatlantic slave database. </div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhCmrnxAZXu-sGdU5g3SZ0bOsQVakjBBE-AbXlJVgTqZfkrTTvmBgfB9Szwlf-aan6IHt1LkzG3iGgyXqQ2ifVbdDnLKscsSrPSBPQJKohe0GkLQzWo4NphzIgqumh3IlgTT1lbzt3xYSI/s1600/Screenshot+2016-03-05+21.11.12.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="176" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhCmrnxAZXu-sGdU5g3SZ0bOsQVakjBBE-AbXlJVgTqZfkrTTvmBgfB9Szwlf-aan6IHt1LkzG3iGgyXqQ2ifVbdDnLKscsSrPSBPQJKohe0GkLQzWo4NphzIgqumh3IlgTT1lbzt3xYSI/s640/Screenshot+2016-03-05+21.11.12.png" width="640" /></a></div>
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I began with the
story I mentioned in the section above in which King Pedro II wrote to King Philip
in 1623 claiming that the governor of Angola, João Correia de Sousa, had
invaded Kongo and enslaved many nobles and free people who were then sent to
Brazil. As tensions rose between the Portuguese and the people of Kongo, so did
tensions between Kongo rulers and the governors of the Portuguese colony of
Angola located to the south of the Kingdom of Kongo. In 1622 Portuguese
governor João Correia de Sousa invaded southern Kongo and into the Kasanze
region, which was said to have been used as a refuge for slaves escaping the
Portuguese Angolan deportation city of Luanda. Here in this region, the
governor captured Kongo people, many freemen and some nobles, and these Kongo
people were enslaved and sent to Brazil around 1623.</div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhIefw2Qel9zmhafj4BjY79W5i26sX1kuz1w56WnGOzJ8yMf3F0vVGJQLKBaHF2SvoYwwTsix3SeGzGrFxietyUsePE7gAGDx6gej4QLuFjgDvwBK15KRSo3cFvBTmpADUgCAKjhSWt3u8/s1600/Screenshot+2016-03-05+21.07.09.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="281" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhIefw2Qel9zmhafj4BjY79W5i26sX1kuz1w56WnGOzJ8yMf3F0vVGJQLKBaHF2SvoYwwTsix3SeGzGrFxietyUsePE7gAGDx6gej4QLuFjgDvwBK15KRSo3cFvBTmpADUgCAKjhSWt3u8/s320/Screenshot+2016-03-05+21.07.09.png" width="320" /></a></div>
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I was interested in seeing
if I could find a ship on the voyage database that fit the criteria of this
story. In the database I selected Luanda as the principal place of slave
purchase and Brazil as the principal place of slave landing. I also made the
time frame from 1622 to 1625. A voyage appeared following this criteria from
1624. This is a year later than King Pedro II's 1623 letter to Spain, but perhaps
he was writing that letter as the ship sailed through the Atlantic reaching its
principal landing point of Bahia, Brazil in early 1624. Or perhaps this is a
completely different voyage. From the database what we can tell is that this
ship departed from the slave purchasing city of Luanda and was temporarily
detained by the Dutch before reaching Bahia in 1624.</div>
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From the database we also
know that of the 284 slaves who embarked 245 disembarked. We don’t know what
happened to the 39 people who didn’t make it to shore. Maybe like Mustakeem’s
anonymous female slave, they died of disease. Maybe they were led to suicide
like those in Equiano’s account of his journey. Maybe some were thrown to the
sharks as Rediker explains. Maybe this is the ship described by King Pedro II, and once it arrived in Brazil, some of the noblemen and free Kongo people
were tracked down and returned home. What we can assume, whether this is the
ship from King Pedro II's account or not, is that most of the 245 people who got off
of this ship in Brazil did not return home and were forced to reconcile with
the reality of their new life and surroundings—forced to endure unimaginable
hardships and to create new forms of existence away from their original
societies.<br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Equiano, O., 1798. </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">The interesting narrative of the life of Olaudah Equiano</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">. </span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"><br /></span>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Heywood, Linda M. "Slavery and its transformation in the kingdom of Kongo: 1491–1800." </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">The Journal of African History</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"> 50, no. 01 (2009): 1-22</span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"><br /></span>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Mustakeem, Sowande. "“She must go overboard & shall go overboard”: Diseased bodies and the spectacle of murder at sea." </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Atlantic Studies</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"> 8, no. 3 (2011): 301-316.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"><br /></span>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Rediker, Marcus. "History from below the water line: Sharks and the Atlantic slave trade." </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Atlantic Studies</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"> 5, no. 2 (2008): 285-297.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"><br /></span>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Thornton, J.K., 1983. </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">The Kingdom of Kongo: Civil War and Transition, 1641-1718</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"> (p. 29). Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"> "The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database Has Information on Almost 36,000 Slaving Voyages." Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. Accessed March 05, 2016. http://www.slavevoyages.org/. </span></div>
<br />Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17274197006328770255noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4253379394849378696.post-50164565184223058102016-02-28T10:50:00.001-08:002016-02-28T10:50:05.221-08:00Labor and Movement<div class="MsoNormal">
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<span style="color: black; font-size: 14.0pt;">The movement of people was integral to the inception of the
Kingdom of Kongo and its systems of labor. In the early 15th century Kingdom of
Kongo founder Lukeni lue Nimi moved the capital of the loose federation of
communities under his control to a mountainous area originally ruled by
Mabambolo Mabpangalla. It is here where we gain the first reference of slavery
in Kongo. Mambabolo Manpagalla was defeated and his descendants were said to
have been either driven out or taken as slaves. While a great deal of
information is not known about the Kingdom of Kongo's use of slaves before
Portuguese arrival, it is fairly accepted that most of the slaves used by the
Kingdom were foreign captives, taken in through Kongo's military expansions and
civil wars. The majority of people born in Kongo were protected from becoming
slaves and facing exportation. This would change as the Portuguese would become
more insatiable with their need for labor, and internal political conflicts
would lead to the fragmentation of the kingdom's centralization allowing some
native born Kongo to be taken as slaves. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: 14.0pt;">A Kingdom of Town and
Country</span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></h3>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjUlcYxwrjhxI05AfNn0StNHCuGZ4n_0BS-ZPmBsQ6ARMcBlw3ihbLLNNGwbCwsNefYXJxYC3MP6afDpGZUkvLotUHECC7XwAhEffI9Mt1dxV2zr9Nn4iZ9KyWxGxEQDcoUJbRXae4-U_w/s1600/loango-africa-kongo-kingdom.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="236" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjUlcYxwrjhxI05AfNn0StNHCuGZ4n_0BS-ZPmBsQ6ARMcBlw3ihbLLNNGwbCwsNefYXJxYC3MP6afDpGZUkvLotUHECC7XwAhEffI9Mt1dxV2zr9Nn4iZ9KyWxGxEQDcoUJbRXae4-U_w/s320/loango-africa-kongo-kingdom.jpg" width="320" /></a><span style="color: black; font-size: 14.0pt;">Historian John K Thornton, describes Kongo as being made of two
economic sectors- the royal city of Sao Salvador and the countryside- both
sectors dominated by the state. The countryside relied on a village style
economy, which was common in much of central Africa. In this style economy,
land was communally owned, maintained, and harvested between households that
controlled the production and dissemination of goods. While life revolved
around labor for nearly all members of Kongo society, exempting the very elite,
there was a division of labor between men and women. Men would typically take
on the role of clearing forests, producing palm wine and oil, hunting, and
participating in the long distance trade of food goods, slats, animal hide,
metals, and fabrics. Women would do varied agricultural cultivation, care for
domestic animals, and run household work. This form of village economy would
produce a social surplus, which would be subjected to a small consuming class
of village rulers and also used to support the taxes required by the state. To
maintain centralization and their upperclass lifestyle, large sections of the
urban elite were sent to live in the countryside for periods of time to
regulate the collection of taxes. Kongo villages were mainly self-sufficient,
but there was a fairly large local market and trade system, which suggests the
presence of specialized labor.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: 14.0pt;">The city of Sao Salvador was surrounded by large agricultural
plantations that were worked by slaves. These plantations would support the
city's need for food, as bulk transportation of goods from the outer towns and
villages was time consuming and difficult. Evidence suggests that the slaves
working on these plantations faced a fair amount of autonomy. While they worked
on producing foods for the nobility, they were allowed to run their own
self-sufficient households and were integrated into the villages. Therefore,
the slave masters did not hold complete control over their lives as they did in
other plantation labor systems across the Atlantic. While there was a fair
amount of economic leeway across the Kingdom of Kongo, both the villages and
towns were dominated politically and economically by the representatives of
Kongo's ruling class.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: 14.0pt;">The Portuguese, Internal
Politics, and Slavery</span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></h3>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: 14.0pt;">The movement of the Portuguese into Kongo in the late 15th century
brought change to the region's politics, religion, and regulation of labor,
although there is debate over how much of that change was due to the Portuguese
or to internal Kongo politics. Allowing that the Portuguese did have some
amount of influence on the Kongo people and political system, and that this
relationship was not one-sided for the rulers of Kongo, we can view changes in
the Kingdom of Kongo as a mixture of external and internal actions and
reactions. Very early on in the Portuguese-Kongo relationship there is an
example of the effects of the shifting of people. In the 1470s, Portuguese
sailors had claimed the island of Sao Tomé off the western coast of Africa. In
Sao Tomé they created large sugar fields, which required large amounts of
labor. After establishing relations with Kongo, the Portuguese looked to the
kingdom to provide labor for Sao Tomé and other Portuguese territories. King
Afonso, traded slaves as commodity exports to the Portuguese, but took issue
with Portuguese traders going outside of the established system and capturing
those who were not deemed as slaves in Kongo. He writes to Portugal about the
effect of the displacement of people on the Kongo population and the Portuguese
circumventing of the trade system's effect on the internal political structure of
Kongo society. For example, Portuguese traders began forgoing the long journey
to the capital to retrieve slaves and began trading in the coastal town of
Soyo. Officials in this province, which was intentionally kept relatively
impoverished in order to suppress political power, became wealthy from this
trade and an alternative localized economy was developed weakening the central
authority. In next week's post I will expand upon the conflicts that followed
the movement of people through the lens of the TransAtlantic Slave Trade.</span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="background: white; color: #222222; font-family: "sans-serif" , "serif";">Birmingham, David. 1965. “SPECULATIONS ON THE
KINGDOM OF KONGO”. </span><i style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="background: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">Transactions of the
Historical Society of Ghana</span></i><span style="background: white; color: #222222; font-family: "sans-serif" , "serif";"> 8. Historical Society of Ghana:
1–10. </span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="background: white; color: #222222; font-family: "sans-serif" , "serif";">Heywood, Linda M.. 2009. “Slavery and Its
Transformation in the Kingdom of Kongo: 1491-1800”. </span><i style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="background: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">The Journal of African History</span></i><span style="background: white; color: #222222; font-family: "sans-serif" , "serif";"> 50
(1). Cambridge University Press: 1–22.</span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0in;">
<span style="background: white; color: #222222; font-family: "sans-serif" , "serif";"><br />
Thornton, John. 1977. “Demography and History in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1550-1750”. <i style="box-sizing: border-box;">The Journal of African History</i> 18 (4).
Cambridge University Press: 507–30.
http://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/180830.</span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background: white; color: #222222; font-family: "sans-serif" , "serif";">Thornton, John K.. 1982. “The Kingdom of Kongo,
Ca. 1390-1678. The Development of an African Social Formation (le Royaume Du
Kongo, Ca. 1390-1678. Développement D'une Formation Sociale Africaine)”. </span><i style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="background: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial";">Cahiers D'études Africaines</span></i><span style="background: white; color: #222222; font-family: "sans-serif" , "serif";"> 22
(87/88). EHESS: 325–42. http://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/4391812.</span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17274197006328770255noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4253379394849378696.post-20344830290618870122016-02-06T17:22:00.004-08:002016-02-06T17:32:16.239-08:00Christianity in the Kingdom of Kongo<h3 style="text-align: center; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b></h3>
<h3 style="text-align: center; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><br /></b></h3>
<h3 style="text-align: left; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> Profit or Piety? Or Both</b></h3>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> <o:p></o:p></span>The initial contact
between the Portuguese and the people of Kongo resulted in a somewhat mutually
beneficial relationship, between the two groups. In general, the relationships
between western and central African peoples and European explorers during the
late 15<sup>th</sup> century through the 16<sup>th</sup> century were relatively
peaceful. There was a commercial tie that kept both groups friendly towards
each other. Some scholars have described this trade relationship as
exploitative, stating that the Europeans had forced African groups into a
colonial trade that resulted in the Africans giving up valuable resources in
the forms of slaves and raw materials, for less valuable European manufactured
goods they would soon become dependent on. Africanist J.K Thornton suggests that
African manufacturing was more equipped at dealing with the competition of
manufactured materials coming in from preindustrial Europe. Thornton argues that
the Atlantic trade was not as essential to the African economy as scholars had
once believed. In the case of the Portuguese and the Kingdom of Kongo, Portugal’s
initial interest in the Kingdom of Kongo was not to dominate the people
administratively or economically, but to form a simple trade connection and to
continue the crown’s mission of spreading spread Christianity .</div>
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<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">The conversion of the
Kingdom of Kongo to Christianity is unique to the history of forced conversion
by Europeans across the Atlantic. While many indigenous nations and communities
around the Atlantic world were brought to Christian conversions by violent
means, the arrival of Christianity in the Kingdom of Kongo was lead in part by
Kongolese leadership. In the case of Kongo, piety and profit came hand in hand.
When Portuguese explorer Diogo Cão sailed up the Congo River in 1483 he left
some of his men in the Kingdom of Kongo capital Mbanza Kongo and in turn took 5
Kongo nobles with him in his 1485 return to Portugal. These nobles were treated
as such in Portugal and received education in the Portuguese language, cultural
customs, and the Catholic religion. When they returned to Kongo they described
the friendship they had received in Portugal and brought with them expensive
gifts for the king, Nzinga a Nkuwuw. Nzinga sent another small group of nobles
back to Portugal for training and requested Portuguese architects and
missionaries be sent to Kongo. In 1491 Diogo Cão returned with a group of
Portuguese soldiers, Kongo men trained in Portuguese masonry, and Roman
Catholic priests. Under his free will, Nzinga asked to baptized. His nobles
were also baptized. King Nzinga adopted the name João I after the Portuguese
ruling King João II. Towards the end of his reign João I turned away from Christianity
returning to his native beliefs, but his son Afonso Mvemba a Nzinga would
remain a Christian. After the death of João I around 1506, Afonso would become
the new king. King Afonso extended Christianity from the court to the people
and established Christianity as Kongo’s state religion. Along with Portuguese
advisors, Afonso created a syncretic version of Christianity that combined Roman
Catholic doctrine with traditional Kongo cosmology. The use of Kongo cosmology
regarding religious terms (God= Nzambi Mpungu, holy= nkisis, and sprit= moyo)
allowed for a smooth adaption of Christian ideology into Kongo thought. The
syncretic nature of Kongo Christianity did not portray Christianity as a
foreign religion but as a supplement to traditional spirituality. Opposed to
many parts of the Atlantic world, Christianity in Kongo was viewed as inclusive
instead of exclusive, because of this there was little tension between the
Christian Kongo peoples and the Catholic Church. Catholic priests who
arrived in<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Kongo felt that the people
knew the one true God but had not been exposed to Jesus Christ. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="http://people.ufpr.br/~lgeraldo/missacongo.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://people.ufpr.br/~lgeraldo/missacongo.jpg" height="226" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #888888; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16px; text-align: left;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #888888; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16px; text-align: left;">Capuchin Missionary Celebrating Mass, Sogno, Kingdom of Kongo, 1740s Paola Collo and Silvia Benso ,Sogno Bamba, Pemba, Ovando</span></div>
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<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Christianity in Kongo was not purely a form of European enforced colonization. Since Kongo conversion
to Christianity was not forced but an act of freewill, the formation of the
Christian Church in Kongo was equally as Kongolese as it was European. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It has been argued that the Kongo Kingdom’s
Court conversion to Christianity was a façade to maintain trade relations with
the Portuguese. In this sense, the trade agreements between the Portuguese and
the Kongolese fostered the growth of Christianity in the kingdom. Whether it
began as a façade or as genuine spiritual interest, this form of Christianity
would exist until the Kingdom’s dismantling at the end of the 19<sup>th</sup>
century. Trade was the true connector between the Portuguese and the people of Kongo,
but a shared religion reinforced this bond. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Tensions would arise between the Kongo and
Portuguese but religion would not be the main cause. A main instigator of
tension would be repercussions from the Trans Atlantic slave trade, which I
will discuss, in a future post. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><br /></span>
<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><br /></span>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Bongmba, Elias Kifon, ed. </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Routledge Companion to Christianity in Africa</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">. Routledge, 2015.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"><br /></span>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">Lewis, Thomas. 1908. “The Old Kingdom of Kongo”. </span><i style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; font-family: arial, helvetica, clean, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">The Geographical Journal</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;"> 31 (6). [Wiley, Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers)]: 589–611. doi:10.2307/1777621.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;"><br /></span>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; color: black; font-family: Times; font-size: medium; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: normal; orphans: auto; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 1; word-spacing: 0px;">
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Thornton, John. </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">. Cambridge University Press, 1998.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"><br /></span></div>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Thornton, John. "Demography and history in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1550–1750." </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">The Journal of African History</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"> 18, no. 04 (1977): 507-530.</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;"><br /></span>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">Thornton, John. 1984. “The Development of an African Catholic Church in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1491-1750”. </span><i style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; font-family: arial, helvetica, clean, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: inherit;">The Journal of African History</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">25 (2). Cambridge University Press: 147–67. http://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/181386.</span></div>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17274197006328770255noreply@blogger.com5tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4253379394849378696.post-21998418188318574902016-01-31T11:16:00.003-08:002016-01-31T11:23:04.717-08:00Introduction to the Kingdom of Kongo<h3>
<b>Geography</b></h3>
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The Kingdom of Kongo's origins can be traced back to the 14th century to a small number of communities situated north of the Malebo Pool in the Congo River. This location was not only strategic because of the easy access to thousands of miles of navigable rivers and streams for transportation and trade, but also because of the abundance of iron and copper ore, fertile soil, and fish in the region. By the 15th century these small communities formed a loose federation that found its centralization under the rule of one king called the Mwene Kongo by the Kongo people and the Manikongo by the Portuguese. At its height Kongo reached from the Atlantic Ocean to the west to the Kwango River to the east and from the Congo River in the north to the Kwanza River in the south. The Kingdom expanded over territory which encompassed modern day northern Angola, a large part of the modern Democratic Republic, part of the Republic of Congo, and the southern most portion of what is now known as Gabon.<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLWq0RwExmJJJEt2Vz0uuSvsfKr9UXAm3vmKqRTRXNvXFHqRR7H9w3_l600Ql949FMO_ykiqpQCAfPzmj6wmGtT8A9a-jxMjtxcBOB2Ox33UkdC1Gr0cTvNMgPPqLqbx-ghDPGXJ_tVaw/s1600/Screenshot+2016-01-31+10.12.50.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="340" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLWq0RwExmJJJEt2Vz0uuSvsfKr9UXAm3vmKqRTRXNvXFHqRR7H9w3_l600Ql949FMO_ykiqpQCAfPzmj6wmGtT8A9a-jxMjtxcBOB2Ox33UkdC1Gr0cTvNMgPPqLqbx-ghDPGXJ_tVaw/s400/Screenshot+2016-01-31+10.12.50.png" width="400" /></a></div>
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<h3>
<b>Early History</b></h3>
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The Kingdom of Kongo was in existence from around 1390 to 1891, reaching its height during the 16th century rule of King Alfonso (1505-1543). The first king of the Kingdom of Kongo was Lunkeni lua Nimi. According to oral traditions recorded by the mid 17th century Italian Giovanni Cavazzi da Montecuccolo, Lunkeni lua Nimi founded the Kingdom of Kongo after conquering the Kingdom of the Mwene Kabunga and transferring the capital to the inland mountain the Mwene Kabunga kingdom had resided on. This capital was called Mbanza Kongo. Decades later Portuguese Explorer Diogo Cão would send men to this capital, and would eventually follow, setting up trade relations between the two nations. The rulers that succeeded Lukeni lua Nimi all claimed to descend from his line of lineage called a kanda. These rulers were known as the Kilukeni and the Kilukeni kanda would rule until nearly 1570. The heavily concentrated population around the capital of Mbanza Kongo and surrounding villages allowed for the Kingdom to become heavily centralized. By the later half of the 16th century Kongo’s population was close to half a million people in it’s central region. The concentration of Kongo created a structure of easily accessible resources including soldiers and surplus foods. In turn, the king experienced great power under this system of centralization.<br />
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<b><br /></b><b>Initial Contact with the Portuguese</b></h3>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiSq9EmPyZNvHGg-Brq26b1L1e-low9lv8BXDLyeFukNxz3yzyo3r4WkUYga83MmBk9ZJeaiha3HnK8GmhNILBgtObwlg_YLLenlVAUyyKUtZBp8w1-Q03Pgm5Csz6zdfO9WwCYcCO9Gr4/s1600/Screenshot+2016-01-31+12.56.27.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="260" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiSq9EmPyZNvHGg-Brq26b1L1e-low9lv8BXDLyeFukNxz3yzyo3r4WkUYga83MmBk9ZJeaiha3HnK8GmhNILBgtObwlg_YLLenlVAUyyKUtZBp8w1-Q03Pgm5Csz6zdfO9WwCYcCO9Gr4/s320/Screenshot+2016-01-31+12.56.27.png" width="320" /></a>In 1482 Portuguese explorer Diogo Cão sailed up the uncharted Congo River from the coast of present-day Ghana. This venture was the first European expedition to sub-Saharan Africa. On his journey up the Congo River, Cão and his men encountered the Soyo people. It became clear from this encounter that the territory that the Soyo inhabited was part of a larger kingdom. Diogo Cão sent some of his men to the capital city 150 miles inland that the Soyo had described to them. His men arrived in the capital of Mbanza Kongo and returned with tales of the great ruling king or Manikongo, Nzinga Nkuwu, and his elaborate court. Following King João II and the Portuguese crown’s tradition of leaving behind a few Portuguese men in every newly discovered territory, when Cão departed from Kongo in 1485 he left behind a few men to build relations with the local people and push forward into the interior of the country. In order to maintain his men’s safety Cão took a group of four noble Kongo men back with him to Portugal. This was genesis of the intercultural exchange between the Portuguese and the Kongo People. The Kongo nobles Cão brought back to Portugal would return to Kongo with education in the Portuguese language and Roman Catholicism, while the Portuguese men Cão left behind had begun to set up trade connections with the Manikongo, learning the customs of the Kongo people. Both of these experiences would shift not only the landscape of the Kingdom of Kongo but of the entire Atlantic world as the Kingdom of Kongo would eventually become integral to the trans Atlantic slave trade and descendants of this region would soon be forcibly dispersed to far stretches of the Atlantic world. An early confrontation in this area that would come much earlier than the height of the slave trade would be the issue of religion and evangelism, a reoccurring theme in indigenous and european interactions across the Atlantic, which I will discuss in next week's post.<br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Alexander, Leslie M., and Walter C. Rucker Jr, eds. </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Encyclopedia of African American History</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">. Abc-clio, 2010.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;"><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">"Kongo I Historical Kingdom, Africa." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. </span></span><br />
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;"><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">http://www.britannica.com/place/Kongo-historical-kingdom-Africa.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">Lewis, Thomas. 1908. “The Old Kingdom of Kongo”. </span><i style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; font-family: arial, helvetica, clean, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">The Geographical Journal</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;"> 31 (6). [Wiley, Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers)]: 589–611. doi:10.2307/1777621.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">Miller, Joseph Calder, Vincent Brown, Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, Laurent Dubois, and Karen Ordahl Kupperman, eds. </span><i style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">The Princeton Companion to Atlantic History</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.12px;">. 2015.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">Thornton, John K.. 1982. “The Kingdom of Kongo, Ca. 1390-1678. The Development of an African Social Formation (le Royaume Du Kongo, Ca. 1390-1678. Développement D'une Formation Sociale Africaine)”. </span><i style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; font-family: arial, helvetica, clean, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;">Cahiers D'études Africaines</i><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "clean" , sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16.003px;"> 22 (87/88). EHESS: 325–42. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4391812.</span><br />
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